Rhode Island authorities have wrestled with the issues of managed
growth and affordable housing for a number of years. In 1991, the
State's General Assembly passed a law that enabled developers to
request a streamlined review process for affordable housing applications.
This law also allowed developers to appeal denied affordable housing
applications to a State Housing Appeals Board. When this law failed
to spur the development of sufficient affordable housing, the General
Assembly amended it in an attempt to increase production. The resulting
requests for development permits overwhelmed local governments so
much that the legislature had to again amend the law. In this latest
action, the General Assembly attempts to balance the need for affordable
housing with the ability of the local and state governments to make
effective, well thought-out land use decisions.
Original Act
The Low- and Moderate-Income Housing Act was enacted by the Rhode
Island General Assembly in 1991. This Act was modeled after Massachusetts'
40B law, and it gave certain nonprofit developers of affordable
for-sale and rental projects, as well as for-profit developers proposing
affordable rental projects, access to an expedited review process
known as comprehensive permitting. The law defined affordable
housing as housing with federal or state subsidies, affordable
to households with low and moderate incomes, and having an affordability
period of at least 30 years. A minimum of 20 percent of the units
in the proposed development had to be subsidized. In reviewing these
comprehensive permitting applications, municipalities had only four
(See Table 1) reasons to deny a request for a comprehensive permit.
Even if denied, developers had the right to appeal directly to a
newly created State Housing Appeals Board (SHAB).
Table 1:
The Act provided that a municipality could only
deny a request if one or more of four grounds for denial existed:
- Inconsistency with local needs;
- Nonconformance with the local comprehensive plan;
- The municipality has already met or has plans to meet
the goal of 10 percent of units being low- and moderate-income
housing; and
- Concerns for the environment or health and safety of residents
not being met.
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This law also encouraged, but did not require, each municipality
to reach a threshold of at least 10 percent affordable housing units.
It allowed municipalities with 10 percent affordable units - or
a plan to reach the 10 percent goal - the authority to use one or
more of these four reasons as grounds for denying a comprehensive
permitting application.
Early Results: Few Changes
According to Amy Rainone, Policy and Planning Manager with the
Rhode Island Housing Finance Agency, the 1991 law did little to
increase the production of affordable housing in the state and little
to promote effective planning for new affordable housing. Roger
Warren with the Rhode Island Builder's Association said that the
1991 law had no effect on affordable housing development. Scott
Wolf, Executive Director of Grow Smart Rhode Island, said that there
were three reasons for these results:
- The law did not make the 10 percent goal mandatory for municipalities.
The state regularly approved local comprehensive plans whose housing
elements did not clearly indicate how municipalities planned to
meet the 10 percent goal. In addition, the law did not require
the state to assist communities in planning for the 10 percent
goal.
- Limiting projects to those with federal or state subsidies severely
limited the projects that would be eligible for the program.
- The 1991 law's applicability was restricted to nonprofit organizations,
which had limited development capacity.
2002 Revisions and Results
In 2002, the General Assembly revised the law to permit for-profit
developers to use the comprehensive permitting process for applications
linked to for-sale projects. Under this new law, however, local
governments were inundated with new applications that they were
not able to process within the mandatory time period. According
to Wolf, many of these proposals contained requests for significant
density increases, in the context of relatively large developments.
Warren's position is that the amendments to the Act in 2002 released
pent-up demand for housing in the state. He estimates that developers
asked local governments for approval to construct approximately
5,000 units, of which approximately 1,000 would have been affordable.
Warren estimates that this number was about 2½ times the
number of housing units being built annually in Rhode Island but
better represented the true demand for housing unfettered by local
regulatory barriers.
Many communities were alarmed that the comprehensive permitting
process did not provide adequate review for high-density residential
developments that for-profit developers were submitting. They also
believed that the process allowed for-profit developers to circumvent
local zoning. Warren says that the law took away none of the local
communities' land use regulatory authority and that they continued
to be able to control the development process. After the 2003 General
Assembly's efforts to amend the law failed, opponents called for
various revisions, including eliminating the law altogether and
removing for-profit developers from the comprehensive permitting
process. In February 2004, the General Assembly passed a moratorium
on new applications from for-profit developers until January 31,
2005. At the same time, the General Assembly required municipalities
that had not reached the 10 percent affordable goal to develop detailed
plans for achieving that goal by December 31, 2004.
Further Statutory Reform Efforts In 2004
The moratorium provided the General Assembly time to enact a new
law in June 2004. This new law seeks to balance the local government's
responsibilities to plan for affordable housing with the need for
that housing. Some of the most significant provisions are described
below.
New State Responsibilities
As part of a long-range solution, the June 2004 law strengthens
state efforts to encourage planning for affordable housing. It charges
the Housing Resources Commission and the State Division of Planning
with developing a statewide strategic plan for housing. That strategic
plan must include quantifiable goals and measurable steps toward
meeting those goals. It also requires the Housing Resources Commission
to recommend guidelines for higher-density development to address
infrastructure demands, land capacity, and environmental protection
issues. The law further requires the State Division of Planning
to coordinate and oversee technical assistance to municipalities
that are creating housing plans, and to provide data upon which
municipalities can base their new plans. This makes the Rhode Island
Housing Resources Commission responsible for developing housing;
providing housing technical assistance; and for annually reporting
on the number of applications issued, units constructed, and units
planned for the following year.
New Municipal Responsibilities
The June 2004 law strengthened requirements that municipalities
adequately plan for affordable housing. The law retains the requirement
that all municipalities that have not achieved the 10 percent goal
must complete an affordable housing plan by December 31, 2004. It
also requires that the local review board report annually to the
Housing Resource Commission concerning the plan's implementation
status. Once the state's strategic plan is completed and adopted
in 2006, the law requires municipalities to bring their local comprehensive
plans (which includes housing plans) into conformity with the state
strategic plan.
New Municipal Authority
The June 2004 law gives municipalities whose affordable housing
plans are approved by the Housing Resource Commission the authority
to determine the location and density of affordable housing, as
follows:
- The new law extends the moratorium on for-profit applications
to July 1, 2005.
- Once the moratorium is lifted, local review boards and the State
Housing Appeals Board must use the local housing plan as the standard
against which they will evaluate proposals.
- The law also clarifies the comprehensive permitting review process
and makes it more consistent with reviews for conventional applications.
- The law increases the minimum number of affordable units required
from 20 to 25 percent of the development.
- The law allows municipalities to require pre-application conferences
for major projects. It clarifies what information developers should
submit (See Table 2). It also authorizes a municipality
with state-approved affordable housing plans to limit the annual
aggregate number of units in for-profit comprehensive permit applications
to 1 percent of the total year-round units in the municipality.
- The law allows municipalities to review applications from for-profit
developers in order of receipt.
Table 2:
The new submission requirements include:
- Letter of eligibility;
- Written request to submit a single application with specific
provisions from which relief is sought;
- Proposed timetable for commencement and completion of
project;
- Sample land lease or deed restriction that restricts use
for not less than 30 years;
- Identification of approved monitoring entity;
- Financial pro forma; and
- Fees.
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Conclusion
Rhode Island's recent experience with streamlined permitting has
been mixed. Early in the program, restrictions led to too little
development. Reforms in 2002, meant to encourage development, unleashed
a torrent of development proposals. Further changes in 2004 placed
additional demands on the development community, but also obligated
the local governments to plan for and accommodate the development
of affordable housing. Warren said that the new law should make
it more difficult to avoid planning for more affordable housing.
Warren stated that his association is part of an oversight group
that will be monitoring the development and implementation of local
affordable housing plans. He concluded by observing that, "The jury
is still out [on the effectiveness of the new planning requirements],
but I hope it will result in more affordable housing in Rhode Island."
In future issues of Breakthroughs, we will revisit Rhode
Island to determine if these new laws have adequately balanced the
need for affordable housing and the need to appropriately plan for
new development.
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Response to "Notice
to Cure" Article |
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In June 2004, the Regulatory Barriers Clearinghouse (RBC)
published an article about
legislation that would establish a process for settling disputes
between homeowners and builders without expensive litigation.
The article describes how states have enacted "notice to cure"
legislation that has reduced the chances that those who develop
and build affordable housing will be forced to increase prices
and make housing less affordable.
Divergent Views
Shortly after publishing the article, we received a number
of responses arguing that this "notice to cure"
legislation creates a regulatory barrier to those who want
to sue builders for unsatisfactory work. In an email from
Nancy Seats, President of Homeowners Against Deficient Dwellings,
Ms. Seats asserts that the recent claims against builders
are a result of poor workmanship. She cites a recent Consumer
Reports article indicating that up to 15 percent of all
new homes constructed have serious problems. She states, "The
existing process for settling disputes is laborious and costly,
but is still preferable to the new process enacted in several
states." Ms. Seats goes on to say that "Much of
the new state legislation places strict limits on the amount
of time homeowners have to notify builders of problems and
to reply to builder responses." She concludes by saying,
"If owners fail to meet those deadlines, then they lose
the right to sue the builder."
Opponents of "notice to cure" legislation cite
Missouri Governor Bob Holden's recent veto message, which
contains a number of specific reasons for his rejection of
similar legislation, including:
- The bill places unreasonable obstacles that will prevent
or delay homeowners from exercising their legal rights as
a result of a homebuilder's mistake or malfeasance;
- It gives homebuilders unwarranted protections from lawsuits
that tip the scales of justice against homeowners; and
- It may violate the open courts provisions of the Missouri
Constitution's Bill of Rights.
The governor's concern is that many new homeowners, especially
those with low and moderate incomes, do not have the means
to address construction defects, and the proposed legislation
would further restrict their ability to rectify builder mistakes.
For More Information
Consumers Union discourages direct links to individual articles
in Consumer Reports Magazine. However, for more general information
on Consumer Reports, go to www.ConsumerReports.org.
Governor Holden's
veto message is available on the RBC database. Please
remember that, as a government clearinghouse, RBC does not
'take sides' on issues such as this, but instead, makes a
good-faith effort to present potentially divergent views on
a given subject. We believe this affords our readers the opportunity
of drawing your own conclusions, and fosters a healthy atmosphere
of discussion and debate.
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Housing Task
Forces Address Zoning and Property Tax Reform |
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Back in October, we began a three-part series on how
local governments are creating housing task forces to
address regulatory reform. In the first
article we described how task forces in Burlington,
Vermont; Pasadena, California; Columbus, Ohio; Minneapolis-St.
Paul, Minnesota; and Dallas, Texas are addressing issues
such as administrative streamlining, building codes
affecting rehabilitation and infill, and fees and exactions.
This article describes how these same five task forces
differ in their approaches to zoning and tax issues.
In addition, two of these task forces have gone beyond
the local setting and have asked their respective state
governments for regulatory reform in the effort to promote
affordable housing.
Zoning
All of the task forces under consideration in this
series examine various land use development regulations
and how they affect housing affordability. In most of
the task forces' reports, the greatest number of recommendations
and suggestions involve zoning and land use regulations.
In Burlington,
task force members offer a number of suggestions for
reforming the city's zoning ordinance in ways that more
actively promote the development of affordable housing.
Their first recommendation is to enact reforms suggested
by a prior (1990) task force. These earlier proposed
reforms include: zero lot line zoning; performance-based
zoning; and floor-area ratio zoning. The new task force
also urges the city to consider other reforms, such
as evaluating the impact of the inclusionary zoning
ordinance on the production of affordable housing, and
developing an in-lieu payment alternative as part of
the inclusionary ordinance. The task force supports
allowing accessory apartments if the apartment does
not exceed 25 percent of the total square feet of the
building. While the task force acknowledges the difficulty
of implementing such an ordinance at the local level,
they ask the city to explore creating a process to appeal
restrictive zoning decisions at a higher level of government.
Back on the West Coast, the Pasadena
task force proposes that the city allow second unit
or 'granny flats' on lots of at least 10,000 square
feet. The task force also suggests strengthening the
city's inclusionary zoning ordinance by increasing the
inclusionary percentage near certain transit corridors,
increasing the overall percentage for any residential
development, and including commercial development in
the ordinance.
Meanwhile, the Columbus
task force suggests that the city adopt a density bonus
program for new construction projects that meet affordability
and geographic targeting criteria. Task force members
in Columbus have also created a list
(See Table 3) of changes to the City's development standards.
Table 3:
Columbus
Task Force Recommendations to Reduce Development
Costs
-
Increase the spacing between streetlights;
- Change
waterline specifications;
- Reduce
street width and right-of-way requirements;
- Change
street specifications to a "performance"
or asphalt base from Portland cement concrete;
- Increase
maximum distance between sanitary sewerage manholes;
- Invoice
inspection costs monthly instead of requiring
a deposit;
- Conduct
spot inspections on construction work;
- Eliminate
the one-year sanitary punch list; and
- Reduce
the left-hand turn lane requirement.
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The Minneapolis-St.
Paul task force encourages cities within the region
to review their land use ordinances to ensure that they
are assisting in (rather than hindering) the development
process. One task force recommendation is that the local
government require only a majority (rather than a supermajority)
of the local governing body to approve increases in
residential density. In addition, the task force describes
a number of examples where local governments are reforming
their land use ordinances.
Dallas
task force members recommend that the city should undertake
a comprehensive review of zoning practices and building
codes, and modify those which have a negative impact
on affordable housing development. They urge the city
to authorize a few projects that use innovative zoning
approaches and to zone 40 to 50 percent of available
residential land at higher densities as a means of encouraging
affordable housing development.
Taxes
Another regulatory reform issue addressed by most of
the task forces is the impact that the property tax
has on housing affordability. Most of the task forces
realize that tax policies have a direct impact on housing
affordability, and so have made specific recommendations
for revising or amending local tax laws in ways that
promote affordable housing. For example, the Columbus
task force recommends that the city set strict guidelines
before granting property tax abatement. It suggests
several types of abatement for new single-family homes
located in the city's Neighborhood Revitalization Service
Area (NRSA). Affordably priced properties would receive
greater benefits for a longer period of time than would
other types of housing. It suggests not counting part
of the increased value that might result from improvements
to owner-occupied homes in this neighborhood when the
property is assessed for property tax purposes. It also
recommends providing limited tax benefits to both affordable
owner-occupied housing outside the NRSA and affordable
multifamily housing.
The Minneapolis-St. Paul task force cites previous
accomplishments where the state changed the property
tax class classification for rental properties from
commercial to homesteaded properties. These rate changes
reduced the operating costs for these properties and
lessened the pressure on landlords to increase rents
and, consequently, reduce affordability of rental units.
The task force suggests supplementing this effort by
increasing the amount of the mortgage registry and/or
deed transfer tax to provide additional funding for
affordable housing developments.
In Dallas, the task force recommends that the city
establish a nonprofit land bank to acquire and hold
land for future housing development. Property owned
by the land bank would be exempt from property taxes
during the time the land bank holds title to the property.
These tax savings could then be passed on to the new
buyers of the property.
State Issues
The Burlington and Minneapolis-St. Paul task forces
see a need for state reforms to coincide with local
efforts, and so have requested their respective states
to assist in promoting changes to local policies. Burlington
authorities have requested that the State of Vermont
implement recommendations from a 1990 task force. Recommendations
include giving priority to communities that request
HUD discretionary funds or transportation resources
to revise their land use policies to promote affordable
housing development.
The task force also asks the state to address redundancies
between local and state land use permitting and the
lack of a predictable permit process. They also request
that the state make it more difficult to appeal land
use decisions in court in order to reduce the land use
decision approval process and reduce development costs.
Those in Minneapolis-St. Paul have requested that the
legislature review the effectiveness of the allocation
of private activity bonds and to increase the proportion
of the tax cap assigned to affordable housing.
Conclusion
In the October, we identified a number of reforms that
five local government task forces were examining in
order to reduce regulatory barriers to affordable housing.
In this issue, we've described how these five local
task forces are addressing zoning and property tax reforms,
and are promoting the development of affordable housing.
We've also examined how two of these task forces are
encouraging their respective states to support local
reforms by changing state regulations. In our February
issue, we will examine how these task forces intend
to monitor implementation of the recommendations. If
your community has undertaken similar reforms, we'd
like to hear about them. Send us an email at rbc@huduser.gov
and be sure to read our February 2005 issue to see how
these groups suggest monitoring progress toward implementing
these recommendations.
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